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A somewhat different situation has begun to emerge from studies of AAVE phonology, where considerable regional differentiation is to be found. The Summary Statement describes several common phonological features (th- fronting; merger of /i/ and /e/ before nasals; /l/ vocalization), but one feature was reported as “regional”: the vocalization of /r/. Studies of AAVE in New York City found that adolescent African American speakers had 98% to 100% vocalization, considerably exceeding the white pattern (Labov et al., 1968, I:99–106). In r-pronouncing Philadelphia, core speakers of AAVE showed as much as71% r-vocalization (Myhill, 1988). The general pattern shows an influence of the surrounding r-pronouncing mainstream dialect on an originally r-less AAVE. Yet the most striking regional feature of AAVE is an increase in the influence of coda /r/ on the vowel: the St. Louis realization of front vowels /ihr/ and /ehr/ as mid-central [ɝ] (made nationally famous by the hip-hop artists Chingy in “Right Thurr” and Nelly in “Hot in Herre”). Blake and Shousterman (2010) track the development of this sound change within African American English in St. Louis and East St. Louis and trace its origins to Memphis.In contrast, most other reports of regional differences in AAVE phonology show an approximation to the surrounding regional pattern of the white community. In Pittsburgh, Gooden and Eberhardt (2007) examined the use of well-known features of the vowel system by local black speakers. African Americans showed7% of monophthongal /aw/ as in “dahntahn,” compared with 21% for whites.
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