Everyone is bilingual. That is, the

Everyone is bilingual. That is, there is no one in the world (no adult, anyway) who does not know at least a few words in languages other than the maternal variety. If, as an English speaker, you can say c'est la vie or gracias or guten Tag or tovarisch - or even if you only understand them - you clearly have some "command" of a foreign tongue. Such competence, of course, does not lead many to think of bilingualism. If, on the other hand, you are like George Steiner (1992), who claims equal fluency in English, French, and German, and who further claims that, after rigorous self-examination - of which language emerges spontaneously in times of emergency or elevated emotion, which variety is dreamed in, which is associated with the earliest memories - no one of the three seems dominant, then bilingualism (actually trilingualism in this case) does seem a rather more apt designation. The question, of course, is one of degree, and it is a question that continues to exercise the imagination, and a matter of importance in research studies.
Competence in more than one language can be approached at both indi-vidual and social levels, and these need not be as neatly connected as might first be thought. While it is true that a country full of multilingual people is itself multilingual in an obvious sense, it may nevertheless recognize only one or two varieties and thus, in another sense, be something less than multilin¬gual. Conversely, a country may be officially bilingual or multilingual and yet most of its citizens may have only single-language competence. Many states in Africa, for example, have two official languages - usually a strong indigenous variety and an important European one - for highly heterogeneous and multi-lingual populations. On the other hand, countries like Switzerland (where recognition is granted to four languages) or Canada (which officially sanctions two) hardly resemble the linguistically rich and varied settings of Africa. Both individual and social manifestations of bilingualism are of course important, but it should be noted that the emphases are quite different; a thoroughgoing
discussion of individual bilingualism involves, for example, linguistic and psycholinguistic dimensions which figure much less prominently, if at all, at the social level where other dimensions - historical, educational, political, and so on - arise for consideration.

Results (English) 3:

人人都是双语。也就是说，世界上没有任何一个人（不管是成年人了，不管怎样），除了母亲的不同以外，她还不知道其他语言。如果，作为一个英语演讲者，你可以说c'est la vie或谢谢您好或同志或即使你只知道他们很明显，你有一些“命令”的外语。当然这样的能力，不让许多人认为双语。如果，另一方面，你是喜欢乔治斯坦纳（1992年），他声称同样流利在英语，法语，德语，和谁进一步主张，，后严格自查-的语言自发出现在次紧急或升高的情感，这品种梦想中，这是最早的记忆-三没有一个相关的似乎占主导地位，那么双语（实际上是三国语言，在这种情况下）似乎更贴切的名称。当然，问题是一个程度，这是一个问题，继续行使的想象力，并在研究研究中的重要问题。在一个以上的语言能力可以在个人和社会层面，而这些不需要整齐的连接可能首先想到。虽然这是真的，全国多语种的人本身是多语种的意义明显，它可能仍然承认只有一个或两个品种，因此，在另一种意义上说，是比较少的东西比Multilin软件¬雷凯霍夸尔。相反，一个国家可能是正式的双语或多语言，但它的大部分公民可能只有单一的语言能力。例如，在非洲的许多国家，有2种官方语言--通常是强大的本土品种和重要的欧洲国家--对于高度异质性和多语言的人群。另一方面，国家如瑞士（在识别被授予四种语言）或加拿大（正式制裁两）难像非洲语言丰富多样的设置。双语个人和社会的表现当然是很重要的，但要注意的重点是不同的；彻底的
个人双语讨论涉及，例如，语言学和心理语言学的尺寸图少得多突出，如果在所有，在的社会水平，其他维度-历史，教育，政治，等等-起来考虑。